
The Garo Record
Culture, Land, and Change

Fotik rides back into his mother’s land beside his niece Prakriti, the road narrowing to a track as the village draws near. In the city, he stands at a gate, contained within routine. Here, he moves freely, calling out to those who know him, his return marked not by arrival, but by recognition.
By Dr Tom Corcoran
Published by ETHNOMAD
Part One: A Garo Man Comes Home
I arrived in Bangladesh with a loose plan and too many directions.
I knew the country in fragments from earlier work with the United Nations. The Rohingya camps in Cox’s Bazar. The long river systems shift their banks year to year. The Chittagong Hill Tracts, where communities such as the Chakma, Marma, and Tripura hold ground in a landscape shaped as much by politics as by terrain. These were the known edges.
The Garo were not. They existed, at that point, as a passing reference. A name in a list. A people described in administrative terms, an Indigenous minority, Christian, matrilineal, from the north. Nothing in that description suggested the weight of what sat behind it.
The introduction came without ceremony. On the first day in a new apartment in Dhaka, a security guard stepped forward to greet me. Slight build, glasses, a broad and unguarded smile.
“Fotik,” he said, extending his left hand. His right arm ended cleanly at the wrist, something he revealed without hesitation, lifting it slightly as if to remove any uncertainty before it could settle.
“This is not a problem,” he said. “I work.”
He called me “Sir” despite repeated attempts to correct him. It did not stick. Some habits are not linguistic; they are structural.
Then, almost as an aside, he added, “I am Garo. We are Christians. We come from the north.”
That was the first marker; it was brief and unelaborated, but it stayed.
In the days that followed, Fotik began to fill in the gaps, not through explanation, but through fragments. A reference to land. To family. To a way of organising life that did not quite align with what surrounded us in Dhaka. When I mentioned needing help with ETHNOMAD, he did not hesitate.
“My brother,” he said. “He can work.”
Soon after, Sagar joined. Then his wife began coming once a week. The network extended quietly, almost without negotiation.
It was not recruitment. It was kinship in motion.
Somewhere in that process, my attention shifted. The work I had come to do remained: the south, the camps, the rivers, the established narratives of displacement and pressure, but another line had opened, less visible, less documented.
The Garo, or as they call themselves, A·chik Mande. Hill people. Not as a geographical statement, but as a declaration of origin.
Their history runs northward, into the Himalayan foothills, across what is now divided by state boundaries but once moved more freely between land, forest, and ridge. Today, they are positioned differently, administratively contained, economically pressured, and religiously transformed in part through conversion to Christianity, yet still carrying structures that predate all of this.
What sets them apart is not a single feature. It is a system.

Prakriti gently combs her aunt’s hair in the shaded veranda of their home in Nalikhali. Moments like this are part of the rhythm of Garo life, where time is shared between conversation, care, and quiet routines. Women gather to drink tea, exchange stories, prepare food, and look after children and one another. While many also work in the fields, the household remains a communal space, shaped by presence, continuity, and the steady passing of knowledge between generations.
A matrilineal order that runs counter to the dominant pattern across South Asia. Land passes through the women. The youngest daughter often becomes the anchor of the household, inheriting not only property but responsibility. Marriage does not remove her from that centre. Instead, the man enters her household, joining a system already in place.
This is not symbolic. It has material consequences.
Land is not fragmented in the same way. It is held, consolidated through the maternal line. Knowledge tied to that land, how to grow, when to plant, what to gather, how to read the seasons, remains embedded within the household. The mother is not simply a caregiver. She is the axis of continuity.
What holds this system in place is not belief alone, but the conditions that allow it to be lived, land that remains accessible, kinship that remains intact, and the ability to return.
I had seen elements of this before. In Sumatra, working with the Minangkabau, another matrilineal society, where land and house pass through the women, and men move outward and return, negotiating identity between two worlds. There, as here, the structure produced a different relationship to land. Less transactional. More anchored. It resisted fragmentation, but it was not immune to pressure.
In Bangladesh, the Garo system sits under similar strain.
Education pulls younger generations toward urban centres, often several hours from the village, where return becomes occasional rather than continuous. Wage labour begins to compete with subsistence, measured not in continuity, but in cash. Religion reshapes parts of the cultural landscape. None of this dismantles the system immediately. It erodes it slowly, often without a clear point of rupture.
It was time to see it directly.
My first journey north was with Fotik and Sagar, back to their family home, land held by their mother. The transition began long before we arrived. As Dhaka receded, the density lifted. Buildings gave way to fields. Roads narrowed. The air shifted, less particulate, more open.
But the real change was in Fotik.

Fotik adjusts a traditional Garo feathered headdress, known locally as a Dakkamanda adornment, as he prepares for the monkey dance, a performance rooted in older ritual forms and community storytelling. Once a regular feature of village life, such dances are now recalled in fragments, carried by those who still remember their movements and meaning.
In the city, he carried himself within a defined role. Arms often in his pockets, movements contained, language formal. In the village, that structure fell away. He stood differently. Spoke louder. Laughed more freely. As we passed through small settlements, tea stalls, and roadside clearings, he called out before we had even stopped.
“I am back!” Voices returned from the shade. Names exchanged. Laughter carried across the road. This was not performance. It was recognition.
He was not a security guard here. He was part of the place.
By the time we reached the homestead, the shift was complete. Women came forward first, direct, unhesitating. There was no distance to negotiate. They greeted him as one who had been absent too long. Not formally. Not cautiously. But with a familiarity that need not be explained.
Something in that moment clarified the structure more than any description could.
This was not simply a return. It was a re-entry into a system that had continued in his absence.
Over the following days, the outlines of that system began to take shape. Not through interviews or structured observation, but through proximity. Sitting in the household. Watching how decisions were made. Who spoke, who deferred, who carried authority without needing to assert it.
Fotik, at one point, began to show me dances he had learned as a boy. Movements tied to festivals, to collective memory. He laughed as he tried to recall the full sequence. Some parts came easily. Others faltered.
“I forget,” he said. “Before, I know all.”
It was a small admission, but it carried weight.
This is how loss happens here. Not through a single event, but through partial forgetting. A line gone. A rhythm broken. A knowledge no longer required in the place where a person now spends most of their time.
The Garo system still holds. But it does not hold intact.
In Nalikhali, and in villages like it, what remains is active, lived, and coherent. But it is also under pressure, not in the abstract, but in the daily decisions that pull people away from it.
This is where The Garo Record begins.
Not with a complete picture, but with an entry point. A man in a uniform in Dhaka, his hands in his pockets, is contained within the city. The same man, hours later, standing in his mother’s land, calling out across the village, his voice carrying further than the road.
Between those two positions sits the fracture, and the question of how long the return remains possible.
And it is only beginning.
Continue reading The Garo Record as the story unfolds in the field.
Follow the series and watch clips on YouTube for a closer look at Garo life, culture, and the changes shaping its future.
Step into the heart of Garo culture with ‘Re Re’, a traditional song that carries the rhythms, stories, and spirit of the Garo community. This performance celebrates the rich musical heritage of the Garo people, passed down through generations, connecting past and present through melody and rhythm. Experience authentic Garo instruments, vocals, and cultural expression. Perfect for anyone interested in traditional music, folklore, or exploring the vibrant cultures of Northeast India.